Friday, September 29, 2006

Why black Africa should resist Arab domination of AU

Why black Africa should resist Arab domination of AU

By ChinweizuPosted to the Web: Friday, September 01, 2006

Part I: The Arab Quest for Lebensraum in Africa“

The third of the Arab community living outside Africa should move in with the two-thirds on the continent and join the African Union “which is the only space we have’ — Col. Mouammar Gadhafi of Libya, at the Arab League, 2001

Many AfriKans take great exception to the sentiments and views expressed by Col. Gadhafi at the March 2001, Amman, Jordan meeting of the Arab League. --Prof. Kwesi Kwa Prah, 2004, in a paper to the AU [both quotes in Bankie and Mchombu eds, 2006:217, 235]Besides joining Prof. Prah and the other Afrikans who take exception to Gadhafi’s statement, I should like to point out that Gadhafi’s invitation to his fellow Arabs is nothing but a declaration of race war on Africa.

It is an invitation to more Arabs to invade and colonize Africa. Indeed, it is a call for the final phase of the 15 centuries old Arab lebensraum war on Afrikans - a war to Islamise and conquer all of Africa, from Cairo to the Cape and from Senegal to Somalia, and to then enslave or Arabise all the conquered Afrikans.

In order to make that clear, it is necessary to first put his invitation in the context of the traditions of Arab melanophobia and negrophobia, and of Arab expansionist ambitions and conquests that go back to the time of their Arab prophet, Mohammed.
Melanophobia and Negrophobia in Arab culture:

The following excerpt from The Crisis of Identity in Northern Sudan: A Dilemmaof a Black people with a White Culture, by Al-Baqir al-Afif Mukhtar, gives an insight into the melanophobia and negrophobia that Arab culture has reeked of since before the time of Mohammed: “The contempt towards . . . the dark skinned is expressed in a thousand ways in the documents, literature and art that have come down to us from the Islamic Middle Ages.

. . This literature, and especially popular literature, depicts (the black man) in the form of hostile stereotypes - as a demon in fairy tales, as a savage in the stories of travel and adventure, or commonly as a lazy, stupid, evil-smelling and lecherous slave. . . .

Ibn Khaldun sees the blacks as “characterized by levity and excitability and great emotionalism” and [says] that “they are everywhere described as stupid” . . . al-Dimashqi had the following to say: “The Equator is inhabited by communities of blacks who may be numbered among the savage beasts. Their complexion and hair are burnt and they are physically and morally abnormal. Their brains almost boil from the sun’s heat.”

Ibn al-Faqih al-Hamadhani follows the same line of reasoning. To him . . . the zanj . . .are “overdone until they are burned so that the child comes out between black, murky, malodorous, stinking, and crinkly- haired, with uneven limbs, deficient minds, and depraved passions. . .”
Arab-Muslim doctrines on Black enslavement:

The following excerpt [from Blasphemy Before God: The Darkness of Racism In Muslim Culture by Adam Misbah aI-Haqq, shows how and why Arabs incurably believe in enslaving blacks: “Classic Muslim thought maintained that blacks became legitimate slaves by virtue of the colour of their skin.

The justification of the early Muslim equation of blackness with servitude was found in the Genesis story so popularly called “the curse of Ham,” in reference to one of Noah’s sons . . . .In the Arab- Muslim version, blacks are cursed to be slaves and menials, Arabs are blessed to be prophets and nobles, while Turks and Slavs are destined to be kings and tyrants. . . .

The famous Al-Tabari, for example, cites no less than six Prophetic traditions which seek to support this story. One tradition reads: Ham begat all those who are black and curly- haired, while Japheth begat those who are full faced with small eyes, and Shem begat everyone who is handsome of face (Arabs of course) with beautiful hair. Noah prayed that the hair of Ham’s descendants would not grow past their ears, and wherever his descendants met the children of Shem, the latter would enslave them.

Ahmad Ibn Hanbal reported a saying attributed to the Prophet which in effect states that God created the white race (dhurriyyah bayd) from the right shoulder of Adam and created the black race (dhurriyyah sawd) from Adam’s left shoulder. Those of Adam’s right shoulder would enter Paradise and those of the left, Perdition. Other equally racist sayings have been attributed to the Prophet in the traditions.

Contradicting this spirit, there are the sayings of the Prophet which equate the value of a person to his God-consciousness (taqwa), and to their piety without any regard to the tribal or ethnocentric concerns of a racist purport. Such [egalitarian] reports [were overshadowed by] the more deeply rooted tradition of racial bigotry . . . [emphasized by] Muslim geographers and travellers who ventured into Africa. . . .

Al-Maqdisi wrote, “ . . . As for the Zanji, they are people of black colour, flat noses, kinky hair, and little understanding or intelligence.” . . . Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406CE) added that blacks are “only humans who are closer to dumb animals than to rational beings.” . . . Even such luminaries as Ibn Sina considered blacks to be “people who are by their very nature slaves.” .
. . The creation or resurgence of the mythology of Ham also made darkskinned people synonymous with servitude in light-skinned Muslim thinking.

This went so far that eventually, the term abd (slave), went through a semantic development and came to specifically refer to “black slave” while lightskinned slaves were referred to as mamluks. And further on in later usage, the Arabic word came to mean “black man” of whatever status. . . .”

We can now see why, when an Arab sees anyone with black skin, all he notices is a dumb animal that he is licensed and even obliged by his religion to capture and enslave. With that background on the Arab tradition of enslaving and holding blacks in profound contempt, let us now examine the meaning of Gadhafi’s call for lebensraum.

In 2001, the Libyan leader, Gadhafi, under the cover of advancing the Nkrumahist Pan- African project of African Unity, was concluding his sub-imperial assignment to round up the African states into his Arab-dominated AU for easier muzzling and control by global imperialism. At an Arab League meeting in Amman, Jordan, Gadhafi exposed another hidden agenda of his AU project when he observed that 2/3 of the world’s [approximately 250million] Arabs now live in Africa, and he invited the rest to move into Africa and join them.

Though the Pan-African News Agency (PANA) reported it and posted it on its website, I wonder how many African leaders took note of Gadhafi’s invitation and saw the danger it poses for Africa. What Afrikans (i.e. the indigenous peoples of Africa) should particularly note is his reason for the invitation, namely, that Africa is the only space Arabs have.

This is so reminiscent of the Nazi project of seizing living space, lebensraum, for the Germans from their neighbours in Eastern Europe that any sensible Afrikan must understand it as a threat to all Afrikans.

More importantly, it spells out, for all but the willfully and suicidally deaf to hear, the grand geopolitical purpose behind Arab policy and action in Africa in the last 50 years. But first, we need to put Gadhafi’s invitation in the context that allows us to appreciate the full danger to Afrikans from this enduring Arab ambition for lebensraum. Since the death of their prophet, Mohammed, Arabs have been relentlessly seizing lebensraum – living space—in Africa.

Since their conquest of Egypt in 642, they have taken over all of North Africa, and most of the Nile valley and some of their tribes have even infiltrated as far west from the Nile as Lake Chad. Arabs have, by now, occupied supra-Sahara Africa and the Nile Valley, i.e. more than one-third of the African landmass, and they are still grabbing more and moving tenaciously to conquer the rest.

Arab expansionism in Africa, 640-1900

I wonder how many Afrikans today wonder how it came about that Arabs, whose homeland is the Arabian Peninsula, came to occupy all of supra-Sahara Africa, from the Sinai peninsula across to Morocco’s Atlantic coast. And what they did to the Black Egyptians, Black Berbers and other blacks who were the aborigines of all that expanse of land? Similarly, Afrikans need to inquire into why and how an Arab minority has ruled Sudan since 1956? And how did it come about that we hear of Arab tribes in Darfur, Chad and even in Nigeria’s Bornu State? Until 640 AD, there were no Arab settlers of any kind in all those places. But in that year, hungry Arab hordes desperate for plunder and greener pastures charged out of Arabia, flying the flag of their new religion, Islam, and conquered Egypt by 642.

Egypt thereafter became their base for invading and seizing lebensraum all the way west to Morocco and Mauritania, and southward up the Nile.

In the first phase of conquest, an Arab raiding army reached Tangier on the Atlantic in 682. Then in the 11th Century, the Fatimids who were then ruling in Egypt, unleashed Bedouin Arab tribes, such as the Beni Hilal and Beni Sulaim, into the Maghreb. These Bedouin tribes overran as far west as Morocco in the 12th and 13th centuries, and brought about the Arabisation of the indigenous Berber population of the Maghreb whom they swamped.

They reached northern Mauritania by the 14th Century. Also in the 14th Century, Guhayna Arab tribes, edged out of Egypt, infiltrated up the Nile into Sudan. In 1820, Mohammed Ali Pasha sent an expedition from Egypt that conquered Northern Sudan by 1841. In 1869, Ismail Pasha attempted to annex the region from Juba/Gondokoro to Lake Victoria, a region that would become Uganda and Sudan’s Equatoria Province. He failed, but the British who ruled from 1899 to 1956 later incorporated Equatoria into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. In 1874, the Jellaba-Arab slave raider, Zubair Pasha conquered Dar Fur for the Egyptians. Also in the 19th Century, Awlad Sulaiman Arabs migrated, in the 1840s, from the Fezzan in Libya into the Lake Chad area, and Shuwa Arabs in search of pasturelands moved, in the 1810s, from Chad into the Bornu area of what became Nigeria.

From the late 19th Century until the 1950s, Arab expansionism in Africa was stopped in its tracks by the European powers who conquered and partitioned Africa among themselves. Only with the retreat of European political rule did opportunity arise for Arab expansionism to resume its march. And it promptly did.

Arab expansionism in Africa since 1956, i.e. in the era of continentalist Pan-Africanism.Continentalist Pan-Africanism was launched in 1958 at the Accra Conference of Independent African States (CIAS). It has been the dominant tendency within Pan-Africanism ever since, and it has given birth to the Arab-dominated OAU/AU. As some observers have pointed out, the Arab League, established in 1945, is the institutional organ for realizing the Arab aspirations for unity and imperial resurgence through “an Arab-Islamic empire across Africa into the Middle East.” Under its aegis, Arab nationalism resumed its expansion in Africa when, on attaining independence in 1956, the Jellaba-Arab minority government of Sudan defined Sudan as an Arab country and set out to enforce that definition on Sudan’s African majority.
Islamisation and Arabisation of Black Africa: the pilot project in Sudan:

It has been noted by Opoku Agyeman that Pan-Arabism, in its so-called ‘civilizing mission’ perceives Africa as a ‘cultural vacuum’ waiting to be filled by Arab culture “by all conceivable means” [Agyeman, 1994:30] including Islamisation, and the settlement of Arab populations on lands forcibly seized from Africans.

The assumptions, objectives and methods of this project may be illustrated from the statements of its principal implementers in Sudan:“You are aware that the end of all our efforts and this expense is to procure Negroes. Please show zeal in carrying out our wishes in this capital matter.”--Muhammad Ali Pasha, Ruler of Egypt, 1825, in a letter to one of his generals in Sudan, quoted in [Nyaba, 2002:36]

In his 1955 book on the orbital scheme [the three circles at whose center he envisioned Egypt to be], President Nasser characterized Africa as “the remotest depths of the jungle,” and as merely a candidate for Egypt’s “spread of enlightenment and civilization” via Islamisation-Arabisation.
-Gamal Abdel Nasser, President of Egypt, 1955, quoted in [Agyeman,1994:34].
“Sudan is geographically in Africa but is Arab in its aspirations and destiny.

We consider ourselves the Arab spearhead in Africa, linking the Arab world to the African continent.” -Sudanese Prime Minister, Mahgoub, 1968, quoted in [Agyeman, 1994:38]. Sudan “is the basis of the Arab thrust into the heart of Black Africa, the Arab civilizing mission.”- President Nimeiry of Sudan, 1969, quoted in [Agyeman, 1994:39] “We want to Islamise America and Arabise Africa” – Dr. Hassan El-Turabi, chief ideologue of Jellaba-Arab minority rule in Sudan, 1999, quoted in [Nyaba, 2002:27]. “The south [Sudan] will remain an inseparable part of the land of Islam, God willing, even if the war continued for decades.”-Osama bin Laden, April 2006, [from an edited translation of an audiotape attributed to al-Qaeda leader, Osama bin Laden, parts of which were aired by Aljazeera on April 23, 2006]

This thrusting of Arab spears into the body and soul of Black Africa through deAfrikanisation campaigns of Islamisation-Arabisation was, of course, not confined to Sudan, but has been done wherever Arabs spotted an opportunity to exploit Afrikan weakness, such as Mauritania, Chad, Somalia, Eritrea, Uganda. In the past 40 years, Libya’s Gadhafi has been particularly active in sponsoring chaos, anarchy and civil wars in Chad, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire etc., and in trying to Islamise Uganda, Rwanda, the CAR etc.

For example, in a live broadcast on Rwanda Radio on 17 May, 1985, Gadhafi said: "First, you must stick to your Islamic religion and insist that your children are taught the Islamic religion and you teach the Arabic language because without the Arabic language, we could not understand Islam. . . You must teach that Islam is the religion of Africa. . . You must raise your voice high and declare that Allah is great because Africa must be the refugee camps in neighbouring Chad. . . .Muslim. . . We must wage a holy war so that Islam may spread in Africa. --quoted in [Bankie and Mchombu, 2006:239-240].Why do Gadhafi and other Arabisers sponsor Islamisation? S

Steve Biko pointed out the fundamental reason why imperialists make a point of converting their victims to their Christian religion when he said: It has always been the pattern throughout history that whosoever brings the new order knows it best and is therefore the perpetual teacher of those to whom the new order is being brought. If the white missionaries were “right” about their God in the eyes of the people, then the African people could only accept whatever these new know-all tutors had to say about life.

The acceptance of the colonialist-tainted version of Christianity marked the turning point in the resistance of African people. [Biko, 1987:56]. Steve Biko’s observation helps explain why Arab hegemonists like Gadhafi insist on Islamising their intended victims. Since the death of their prophet, Mohammed, Islam has been the religious cloak and entry-dagger of Arab imperialism. Islamisation is used as a prelude to the project of Arabisation.

Among the targeted victims, Islam privileges the Arabic language and culture. Arab names and customs are made obligatory, and the anathema on Jahiliya discourages remembrance of the pre-Islamic, non-Arab culture of an Islamised people. It should be noted that the core Islamic countries that stretch contiguously from the Maghreb to Pakistan are fragments of the empire that Arabs conquered and ruled from 632-1517 when the Turks, under Selim the Grim, conquered Egypt and Syria and extinguished the Arab Abbasid Caliphate. Thus, the core lands of Dar-al-Islam today are a continuation of the Arab Empire.

Just as the Commonwealth is the euphemistic PR name for the enduring British Empire, so too Dar-al-Islam is the euphemistic PR name for the enduring Arab Empire. In fact, Dar-al-Islam is simply the Arab empire in religious camouflage, and the Umma are the Arab citizens/masters and the non-Arab subjects of the enduring Arab Empire.

Gadhafi and the Arab lebensraum project in the 21st Century in furtherance of his lebensraum project, in May 2003, proposed a tripartite union of Libya, Sudan and Egypt, a move reminiscent of Hitler’s Anschluss project that annexed, in 1938, Austria as well as Czechoslovakia’s Sudetenland. To appreciate the menace in Gadhafi’s invitation, Afrikans would do well to consider Hitler’s drive for lebensraum and how it was stopped.

Just as Gadhafi wants to enlarge Arabia inside Africa, Hitler wanted to enlarge Germany within Europe by the acquisition of a territory for settlement, which will enhance the area of the mother country, and hence not only keep the new settlers in the most intimate community with the land of their origin, but secure for the total area those advantages which lie in its unified magnitude. [Hitler, 1971: 653] Hitler looked east for Germany’s expansion in Europe. In Nazi ideology, Lebensraum meant the expansion of Germany eastward to conquer lands for Germans to settle and peoples for Germans to enslave. According to Hitler, the ideal war was one of conquest, extermination, and subjugation; the ideal area in which to conduct such a war was in the east, where the German people would win for itself the lebensraum.

The Nazi theory of Lebensraum became Germany’s foreign policy during the Third Reich. A key element in Hitler’s plan for lebensraum was the idea of military expansion and the forced expulsion of the nations of Poland, Ukraine, Russia etc. and their replacement with German settlers. The Lebensraum ideology was a major factor in Hitler’s launching of Operation Barbarossa in June 1941.

As the German armies moved eastward, the Nazis began to turn large areas of Soviet territory into German settlement areas. The biggest obstacle to implementing the Lebensraum further was the fact that by the end of 1942, the Sixth Army was defeated in Stalingrad. After the second big defeat in the tank battle at Kursk during July 1943 and the Allied landings in Sicily, all further Lebensraum plans came to a halt.
USA, Australia, Russia — case studies of lebensraum.

Faced, from the 16th Century, with European invaders seeking lebensraum, the Native Americans in what became the USA, failed to muster the necessary will and forces to defeat and drive the invaders away; as a result, these indigenous peoples were exterminated and lost their continent by the late 19th Century. Bands of their remnants were herded into reservations and left to slowly die out. Similarly in the 19th Century, the Australian aborigines failed to muster the necessary will and forces to defeat and drive away the invaders from Europe. They too were exterminated. In contrast, the Russians in the 20th Century, under Stalin, mustered the necessary will and forces, defeated Hitler’s armies and chased them back all the way to Berlin and obliged Hitler to commit suicide.

As these contrasting examples make clear, seekers of lebensraum can only be stopped by decisively defeating and driving them away. How did the Russians manage to do that? First of all, their leaders took quite seriously the Nazi talk of seeking lebensraum in Eastern Europe, and prepared for war. In February 1931, Stalin predicted and warned his people: ‘We are 50 or 100 years behind the advanced countries. We must make good this lag in 10 years. Either we do it or they crush us.’ And he drove his people with the proverbial whip and scorpion, and forced them to industrialize at a desperate pace. And Russia industrialized in 10 years flat! Which was just in time to be ready when Hitler unleashed his armies on Russia in June 1941. And by 1943, Hitler’s lebensraum project lay in ruins as his mighty armies had been defeated by Stalin’s armies.

It took another two years of hard fighting for the Russians to drive Hitler’s armies all the way back to Berlin. Had they not done so, there would be no Russia or Poland or Ukraine etc today. All the land from Berlin to the Urals would have been taken over and settled by Germans. And any Russians not exterminated would have been enslaved as Hitler intended.

If Afrikans want to escape at Arab hands the type of fate that Hitler planned for the Russians, we need to learn from Stalin’s example. We need to build a megastate and industrialize it at breakneck speed into a modern power. And we need to defeat the Arabs and drive them back across the Sahara.

The first step is to expel all Arab League countries from the AU, or better yet, to destroy this enemy-controlled AU and organize a Black World League of States to serve as the collective security outfit exclusively for the Blacks of the World. The second step is to militarily discourage any further Arab expansion into sub-Sahara Africa.

We must firmly bear in mind that lebensraum ambitions are effected by military action, as in Sudan’s war on the SPLM, and its use of Janjawid militias in Darfur and Chad. And we must also firmly bear in mind that such ambitions are destroyed only by military action. To think of any other way is suicidal foolishness. So Gadhafi’s ambition must be finally defeated militarily by Afrikan power, and the sooner the better for Afrikans.

Part II: The Challenge to Pan-Afrikanism

First, they came for the Communists, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a Communist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a Jew.Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Catholics, and I didn’t speak up because I was a Protestant. Then they came for me, and by that time, no one was left to speak up for me.

-Pastor Martin Niemöller (1892-1984)

In the last 15 centuries, Arab invaders have grabbed 1/3 of the African continent, and systematically enslaved, exterminated or Arabised the blacks they met there. How? I have already quoted examples from the mission statements of the anti-Afrikan leaders of the Arab expansionists since 1820 in Sudan.

Let us now see examples of how they’ve gone about implementing their policy on the ground since 1956 while the OAU/AU Pan-Africanists determinedly looked the other way or buried their ostrich heads in the sand. The following are instructive excerpts, about the events in al-Di’ein and Dar Fur, from Islamisation and Arabisation of Africans as a means to Political Power in the Sudan by Sudanese scholar, M. Jalaal Haashim: al-Di’ein 1987
As its civil war with the SPLM/SPLA intensified, the Jellaba-Arabist Sudan government of al-Sadiq al-Mahdi (1986-1989) used the Baggara Arabs to punish those Dinka who lived on the border of Kordufan and Dar Fur, such as the Ngog, on the assumption that all the Dinka were SPLM/SPLA.

“The Baggara tribes in Kordufan and Dar Fur are nomadic Arabs who have been greatly influenced by the Nilotic tribes, especially the Dinka, from whom they have taken the cows for livestock and the colour of blackness . . . . Until then, the hostility between the two sides was relatively kept at bay due to their historical inter-relationship. Thousands of Dinka who fled the war zone came and lived with the Baggara. This is how in a certain village called al-Di’ein in Southern Dar Fur, more than 6,000 Dinka people peacefully took refuge and lived with the Baggara.

In 1987, the government of Sadiq al-Mahdi established the infamous Popular Defence Forces (PDF) as a pretext for officially arming the Baggara Arabs to fight the Southerners. Armed in this way, the marauding Baggara squads of PDF began making incursions into the South, raiding the Dinka villages. [These] naturally sought help from the SPLM/SPLA [who] came to the rescue . . . .

In all aspects, the Baggara Arabs were unequal to the SPLA. Suffering defeat after defeat, . . . the Baggara began nursing deep hatred towards the Dinka in general, [and finally directed their revenge on] the peaceful Dinka who were living with them at al- Di’ein . . .In one day in mid 1987, at least 1,000 Dinka were massacred, 4,000 were burned alive, and the survivors - around 1,000 - were enslaved.

The massacre began early in the day. At first, the bewildered Dinka did not believe what was going on. When reality dawned on them, they fled into the houses of their hosts who were also their attackers. They were dragged by their feet like animals to be butchered outside the houses of their hosts. The Dinka took refuge in the Church; there they were killed along with the priest. Then they ran and took refuge inside the Police station, which was part of the railway station, but, alas, the Police turned out to be accomplices.

They were killed there also. Whether in good or bad faith . . . they were ill-advised to take refuge in the empty carriages of a standing freight train so they could be taken away from al-Di’ein. With the trustfulness usually shown by totally vulnerable and helpless people in their eagerness to cling to a straw, they hurriedly obeyed. Once crammed inside, they were locked in from outside.

Caged in like animals, they saw with their own eyes barrels full of diesel being rolled toward them. They were burnt alive, all of them. Only then, with the barbecue smell of that holocaust, did the Baggara come to their senses. The survivors were fortunate that they were only enslaved. Slavery was the common sense of that doomed day . . . . In the period 1989-1999, only God knows how many massacres like that of al-Di’ein took place.”
The Janjawid campaign of genocide:

“A decade after the Dinka massacre in al-Di’ein, the scenario of ethnic manipulation by the state expanded to cover the whole of Dar Fur and most of Kordufan, . . . [and] the era of terror of the infamous Janjawid had been launched. . . .

Dar Fur has been the victim of the involvement of the neighbouring Arab states in the civil war in Chad that flared up in the 1970s. Libya, an extreme advocate of Pan-Arabism with highly volatile policies, intervened in Chad with the sole aim of helping the Arab nomad tribes with money, logistics and arms. . . .

The government of Khartoum has not only backed the nomadic Arab tribes, but has also armed them and fought by land and air along with them.

All through the decade of 1982-1992, skirmishes and limited killings were commonplace in Dar Fur. The Khartoum government dubbed them ‘armed robbery’. In 1995, the massacres were launched first against the Masalit tribe of the state of West Dar Fur. The governor himself was a Masalit Muslim brother who was given orders from Khartoum to let his sedentary people host a heavily armed clan of pastoralist Baggara who were driven out of Chad to be welcomed by the Khartoum government simply out of bias for the Arabs. . . .

The Masalit welcomed the Baggara. Under the official eyes of the State government which was headed by their own son, thousands of the Masalit were butchered in mid 1995. . . . ”
Through these “gruesome atrocities . . ., which are being overtly committed by State- backed Arab tribes”, the nomadic Arab tribes of Dar Fur have been committing genocide and ethnic cleansing against the African sedentary tribes. As both the culprit and the victim are Muslims, the Afro-Arab race war nature of the genocide becomes very clear. As Jalaal Haashim points out, the conflicts in Sudan are “a racist war camouflaged with religion.”

But how exactly do these Arab marauders carry out ethnic cleansing? The next excerpt, from Singing while their men rape, THE GUARDIAN, NAIROBI Wednesday, July 21, 2004, Page 6, tells of an ongoing example of organized raping and killing and enslavement carried out by the Janjawid in Dar Fur:

According to an Amnesty International report published in 2004, “While African women in Darfur were being raped by the Janjaweed militiamen, Arab women stood nearby and sang for joy . . .The songs of the Hakama, or the “Janjaweed women” as the refugees call them, encouraged the atrocities which the militiamen committed. . . . During an attack on the village of Disa in June last year, Arab women accompanied the attackers and sang in praise of the government and scorning black villagers.

According to an African chief quoted in the report, the singers said: “The blood of the blacks runs like water, we take their goods and we chase them from our area and our cattle will be in their land.” “The power of (Sudanese president Omer Hassan) al-Bashir belongs to the Arabs and we will kill you until the end, you blacks, we have killed your God.” The chief said that the Arab women also racially insulted women from the village, saying: “You are gorillas, you are black and you are badly dressed.”

The Janjaweed have abducted women for use as sex slaves, in some cases breaking their limbs to prevent them escaping, as well as carrying out rapes in their home villages, the report said. The militiamen “are happy when they rape. They sing when they rape and they tell that we are just slaves and that they can do with us how they wish,” a 37-year-old victim, identified as A, was quoted as saying in the report, which was based on over
To be continued
*Paper presented at the Global Pan-African Reparations and Repatriation Conference (GPARRC) on 25 July, 2006, at the University of Ghana, Legon

Re: The concept of a United States of Africa


From: Dominic Maku <>
Date: Saturday, August 05, 2006 6:36 AM
To: mark wood <>

Subject: Re: The concept of a United States of Africa must immediately be
I am one of those who think that Africans must be respected in the first place. All my school years I have read extensively about the history of Africa before coming to Canada. Now I am a graduate with a Master of education degree of which I would like to teach history and politics where ever I go.One way of doing things could be through educating the people about the significance of the respect that human beings deserve (including Africans). We are trying to establish a Pan-Africanist University in South Sudan,but we are being constained by lack of funds.However, we are hopeful that one day it will be done.Please let me know if there will be such a help in the United States of America. We are looking for friends all over the world. Additionally, I would like to join the Pan-Africanist movement and if you could, keep me in touch.

Thank you.Dominic

Wednesday, September 27, 2006

Khadaffi praised for promoting a United States of Africa

The Chairman of the African Union (AU) Commission, Alpha Omar Konare praised the pioneering role of the Libyan Leader in promoting the march of the AU towards the establishment of the United States of Africa.

In a speech, delivered on the occasion of signing a memorandum of understanding for joint cooperation between the AU and the Republic of Venezuela in Caracas, Konare said: "The outbreak of Great Al-Fatah Revolution in Libya is the most important factor that led to the establishment of the AU as a historical strategical achievement for Africa that has begun its march in the city of Sirte on 9/9/99 and it is still progressing towards the establishment of a united Africa with its political, economic, financial, media and cultural institutions".Africa is determined to advance through the AU towards more integration, highlighting Africa's strong will and resources that entitle it to play a strategic role in the world, he added.The Minister of Foreign Relations in Venezuela, Nicholas Medora, underlined that signing this agreement between the AU and his country reflects a new direction in Venezuela's foreign policy depending on the principle of South- South cooperation particularly between the Latin and African continents.The Libyan leader is largely responsible for the creation of the new African Union which comprises all 53 states of Africa and replaced the former Organisation of African Unity (OAU).
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28 Sep 2006 00:39 UTC [HELP]
The Internet coalition that prompted Gadaffi's United States of Africa mandate
Your Name:
Mark Wood (IP: Logged) HELPIP:

The truth should at least be known as to why Khadaffi adapted the United States of Africa mandate.Our Internet Coalition USA4USAfrica which I founded in January 1996 has copies of the original faxes and e-mails we sent to Lybia's consulate, embassy and state offices here, directly to Lybian newspapers and media links in the web internet's early days of 1996 - 1998 - some of these were forwarded to Khadaffi and gained his attention after which he immediately gave news releases to CNN which was the first worldwide media attention the current efforts of a US Africa movement have received. All documented - see the usa4usafrica website:

Absolute proof Gadaffi was inspired to a United Africa from our initial contacts
Your Name:
Mark Wood (IP: Logged) HELPIP:

Please understand I am not a glory hog on who statred the 3rd generation push for a United Africa, but when internet archive records prove the organization I started was the 1st Internet based coalition to united Africa as one nation to appear on the web for that purpose. Internet archive snapshots date our first website for a united Africa in 1996 a full two years before Khadaffi first gained media attention on the mandate that is now getting on the radar maps of the world's media. The major factions of which still refuse to even mention the words United States of Africa on network TV in the US let alone in print.our original site for the movement: still shows on most search engines on any search regarding united africa, united states of africa, and especially on searches for mark wood, united states of africa and unitedstatesafrica period.I feel we should at least be acknowledges for our efforts that continue today at and our sub set websites.

Libya returns to world stage

Wednesday, September 8, 1999 Published at 11:53 GMT 12:53 UK World: Middle EastLibya returns to world stage Colonel Gaddafi: Hoping to become an international player again Libya is celebrating its return to the world stage, after almost a decade of international isolation, by hosting a specially-convened summit of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU).
And in a sign that Libya intends to become an international player once more, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi treated African heads of state to a display of military might on the eve of the meeting, which will discuss his vision of a United States of Africa.
Soldiers from across the continent - from countries embroiled in the Democratic Republic of Congo conflict to a contingent of women fighters from Eritrea - joined a huge military parade commemorating 30 years of the Libyan revolution.
As the Libyan leader saluted the troops, long-range missiles, warplanes and tanks passed in front of the leaders for their approval.
Pursuing the dream of a "United States of Africa"The traditional revolutionary parade was postponed from 1 September, the anniversary of the 1969 coup which brought Colonel Gaddafi to power, to coincide with the arrival of the African leaders.
The commemorations are the largest since the United Nations suspended international sanctions in April, after the country handed over two suspects in the bombing of a Pan Am plane over Lockerbie, Scotland, in 1988.
Although a number of the leaders broke the UN sanctions to visit Tripoli, correspondents say the presence of more than 20 heads of state gives Colonel Gaddafi the legitimacy he needs to claim an international role.
The central issue of the summit, which is taking place in the coastal city of Sirte, 250 miles (400km) east of the capital, Tripoli, will be Libya's proposal to move towards the creation of a "United States of Africa".
Colonel Gaddafi has accused Arab countries of failing to stand by him during the sanctions and is now turning his attentions to Africa.
Polite enthusiasm
And to drive home the point, banners proclaiming that "Africa is for Africans," and "The imperialist West is responsible for Africa's backwardness" and "Yes to the project of the United States of Africa", lined the route of the revolutionary parade.
But the continent's leaders themselves appear to be treating the idea politely, but with no great enthusiasm, according to the BBC's John Simpson in Tripoli.
President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe said diplomatically that everyone cherished the principle that one day Africa should be united.
The Ugandan leader, Yoweri Museveni, said the real debate should be between pan-Africanism and the need for regional union in Africa - and he made it clear he thought it was regional union that mattered.

The Internet coalition that prompted Gadaffi's United States of Africa mandate

28 Sep 2006 00:39
The Internet coalition that prompted Gadaffi's United States of Africa mandate
Your Name:
Mark Wood (IP: Logged)

The truth should at least be known as to why Khadaffi adapted the United States of Africa mandate.

Our Internet Coalition USA4USAfrica which I founded in January 1996 has copies of the original faxes and e-mails we sent to Lybia's consulate, embassy and state offices here, directly to Lybian newspapers and media links in the web internet's early days of 1996 - 1998 - some of these were forwarded to Khadaffi and gained his attention after which he immediately gave news releases to CNN which was the first worldwide media attention the current efforts of a US Africa movement have received.

All documented - see the usa4usafrica website:

I wanted to give you an update on the building of the United States of Africa coalition I started back in 96 with Robert Wood - Our mission remains the same, to unite Africa as one nation and thus unite the world, in uniting Africa as one nation.God willing.* take a look at the Current sites for the movement at:

The United States of Africa - Please forward to anyone who has cried a tear for Africa and wants to see a change."There are no words to describe what I feel about the possibility of the achievement of The United States of Africa.

The applause of the entire globe could not give this cause justice, and justice is what this cause will bring. I am sure that the US of Africa will mean the extinction of poverty and the promotion of world Unity. I know the day will come when its constitution is signed. It will be signed not with greed and power in mind, but instead with love and unity. My prayers and deepest salutations are with you all." – Jared

While we understand the beginning of the USA for USAfrica may have an unusual genesis, the heart felt reasons behind the movement are unmistakable, and the need for a United States of Africa, is Undeniable.No continent in the world is better positioned than Africa, ( a United Africa ) to contribute to the welfare of Mankind over the next thousand years. As an ABC Night Line reporter covering Africa noted, "Africa is 98% virtually the same as it was a thousand years ago."

An incredible vast land of undeveloped potential both for it's people and the world.In a United States of Africa, a citizen could freely travel from Gambia to South Africa to Algeria or anywhere on the continent to seek education, opportunity, commerce or the simple pleasure of tourist travel within their vast country.A common African currency much like the EU model affords the ability to buy and sell throughout the continent with a reliable backed currency.

A transcontinental citizenship throughout Africa will one day become the envy of the free world.Much of Africa's third world debt could be relived if freedom and security of capitalism were able to thrive in any African country - state from taxes paid by companies involved in business in any African location.

An immediate positive effect would arise from local, municipal and federal levels throughout Africa. Any and all of these possibilities can only arise from what can take place in a United States of Africa. With national borders being no more restrictive than state borders, allowing transcontinental travel, commerce and opportunity for all African citizens.A United States of Africa with the largest usable coastline in the world could one day be the country that enriches all of Mankind, feeds the world, heals the world, teaches the world and balances the world.

There is so much more involved and the USA for USAfrica is not naive to the many levels that must be addressed, our point is the dialogue must begin at once, in the media, on the airwaves, in discussions and editorials.The concept of a United States of Africa must immediately be brought into public debate worldwide and among Africans themselves.

Yours in peace and a United Africa,
Mark WoodFounder, USA for USAfrica
Partner, The Wood Brothers Music
Publisher,The Green Valley Reporter661.270.0798
ICQ 72195575
GreenValleyReporter Online and Print: Serving the Mountain Communities of the Santa Clarita, Angeles Forest and Antelope Valley Communities.

Web Link:
1st internet based coalition to unite Africa as one nation

28 Sep 2006 00:53 UTC [HELP]
Absolute proof Gadaffi was inspired to a United Africa from our initial contacts
Your Name:
Mark Wood (IP: Logged) HELPIP:

Please understand I am not a glory hog on who statred the 3rd generation push for a United Africa, but when internet archive records prove the organization I started was the 1st Internet based coalition to united Africa as one nation to appear on the web for that purpose.

Internet archive snapshots date our first website for a united Africa in 1996 a full two years before Khadaffi first gained media attention on the mandate that is now getting on the radar maps of the world's media. The major factions of which still refuse to even mention the words United States of Africa on network TV in the US let alone in print.our original site for the movement: still shows on most search engines on any search regarding united africa, united states of africa, and especially on searches for mark wood, united states of africa and unitedstatesafrica period.

I feel we should at least be acknowledged for our efforts that continue today at and our sub set websites.

Africa is the basket case of the world

Osagyfo Dr Kwane Nkrumah: Remembering Africa’s most influential and greatest in the 21st century

Friday, 24 February 2006

24 February 1966 could be described as one of Africa’s darkest days. It was the day that Nkrumah was overthrown by a military coup with the support of the American CIA. Nkrumah was not only passionate about Africa but he was obsessed with the unity of Africa.

He put Africa’s interest above that of Ghana by declaring in one of his most emotional and moving speeches that “The independence of Ghana was meaningless unless the whole of Africa was liberated from colonial rule”.

Nkrumah’s importance to African political practice does not lie in the fact that he led the first country in tropical Africa to gain independence (1957). Its significant contribution stems from Nkrumah’s introduction tothe African political struggle, the theory and practice of “mass movement”. Until then, politics was preserved for the educated elites, lawyers, civil servants, journalists, progressive school teachers and disgruntled intellectuals. The politics of these elites was limited to the demands for equality with the colonialists, better working conditions and privileges for senior civil servants or against racial discrimination.

It was not until Nkrumah spearheaded the formation of a militant political movement with one principal and concrete political demand: Self-Government Now. He did not appeal to the British Government to grant them their demand, but he made the masses aware of the need to govern themselves. And he achieved this through mass strength and determination of the Ghanaian people to bring about the desired goal. The people in turn responded to his trust and confidence in them by giving him their whole-hearted support.It was not until 1947, when Nkrumah went back to Ghana that Pan-Africanism was elevated from the realm of an ideal, to that of a concrete, mass-based political practice.

Nkrumah launched the Conventional People’s Party (CPP) in 1942. Nkrumah’s CPP won independence for Ghana in 1957 and in 1958, he hosted the All-African People’s Conference (AAPC). It was the first post-Manchester conference, which sought to put into practice on the African continent that vision of liberation and socialism expressed in 1945.The AAPC brought together for the first time all liberation movements in Africa.

As stated by my former lecturer, Abdou Rahman Muhammed Babu when the delegations of the Pan-African Movement for East and Central Africa stopped over at Congo in 1958, they discovered Patrice Lumumba and his Congolese comrades who were not aware of the impending All-African People’s Conference, although it had been widely publicised all over Africa. For soon as Nkrumah was informed of the impending participation of the Congolese delegation, he gave instruction that they should see him as soon as they arrived, and when he eventually met them, he requested them to stay longer in Accra after the conference was over.

Ghana’s commitment to Congo’s independence henceforth was to become Nkrumah’s obsession
Only 14 months after Lumumba’s visit, the Congo was liberated. But the significance of the Accra conference was even deeper than the liberation of Congo. With the influence of Frank Fannon and the Algerian delegation, the theme of the conference was transformed from a non-violent liberation struggle to the “struggle by any means, including violence”. This was a decisive departure from the Manchester conference which favoured Ghandhian non-violence and passive resistance to colonialism.

This changed the form of the liberation struggle, and there was a proliferation of the Africa-wide Ghana-inspired “mass parties” involving entire populations. It forced the colonialist to accept, in the words of Harold Macmillan, then British Prime Minister, speaking to South Africa’s white dominant parliament in 1961 that the “wind of change was blowing across Africa.” If the 1945 Manchester meeting ushered in the epoch of hope and great expectations, the 1958 the Accra meeting concretised those hopes and expectations by making Africa no longer governable by the colonialists. One by one, African countries began to win their independence.

After inspiring the independence of most African countries, Nkrumah moved on to ensure the unity of Africa. As stated in his speech delivered in 1963, at the founding conference of the OAU, “we have already reached the stage where we must unite or sink into that condition which has made Latin America the unwilling and distressed prey of imperialism after one-and-a-half centuries of political independence. He further added that not one of us working singly and individually can successfully attain the fullest development. Only a united Africa functioning under a union government can forcefully mobilise the material and moral resources or our separate countries and apply them efficiently and energetically to bring a rapid change in the condition of our people.”

Nkrumah’s idea of African unity was conceived as a means of fighting two scourges inflicted on Africa by colonialism. One was the fragmentation of the continent, which resulted in the weak and unviable states; second was poverty, which was a consequence of the fragmentation, extensive colonial exploitation and an illogical and primitive colonial, economic structure which obstructed development.

These two scourges were inter-linked, designed to facilitate colonial domination and exploitation. It was impossible to abolish one without abolishing the other, both had to be tackled simultaneously, beginning with the institution of a basis for a continental unity.

Owing to the division between radical and conservative tendencies among independent African states at the time, the radicals had to compromise a number of their principles of unity so as to persuade the conservatives to join the organisation. Unfortunately, the inclusion of the conservative states turned the OAU into a moribund institution. The conservatives’ first success in obstructing the move towards continental unity was achieved at the OAU Cairo summit in 1964. It was at this crucial conference that Julius Nyerere, then President of Tanzania, cunningly pushed through a resolution which urged the OAU to accept the colonial borders as permanent, recognised frontiers of the OAU member states.

This move was in collaboration with Emperor Haile Selasie of Ethiopia, who one year earlier had annexed Eritrea. The underlying motive of the resolution was to frustrate Nkrumah and his Pan-Africanist ideals, though Nyerere claimed that the intention was to minimise border conflicts in Africa. The resolution was carried by a simple majority and became a key binding principle of the OAU Charter. Ironically, instead of abolishing Africa’s primary malady of disunity, the OAU encouraged it.

Secondly, the conservatives strove to make the OAU serve their interest and not those of Africa as a whole by altering the balance of forces on the continent in favour of the conservatives rather than the radicals who were still dominant in African politics. Beginning with Ben Bella of Algeria in 1965 and Nkrumah in 1966, the conservatives in collaboration with their ex-colonial masters, engineered the overthrow of radical leaders via military coups.

Henceforth, the OAU ceased to be an instrument of the Pan-African revolutionary change and became an apologist or the statusquo. Even the liberation of the remaining colonies was conceived in the context of maintaining this statusquo. It did not take long for Nyerere himself, the architect of the OAU statusquo, to publicly admit in 1972 that the OAU had become no more than a “trade union of Africa’s heads of state.”

According to Baffour Ankomah of the New African magazine, Nkrumah was not only a thinker, visionary and orator but also a doer. Nkrumah knew that Africa’s future and prosperity lay with rapid industrialisation, to create the goods and jobs that would economically empower the people of the continent. As such, he set out to industrialise Ghana in one generation as a guide for the continent.

By the time his Government was overthrown in that dreadful coup of 1966, he had established 68 sprawling state-owned factories producing every need of the Ghanaian people, and this was within the space of nine (9) short years. Among the factories were a distillery, a coconut oil factory, a brewery, a milk-processing plant, a lorry and bicycle plant, a modern oil refinery, an iron and steel works, a flour mill, sugar, textile, cement factories, shoe factory, a glass factory, a tyre factory, a meat processing factory, two canneries for fruits and tomatoes, a chocolate factory etc.

This was in addition to building the huge hydro-electric plant at Akosombo, the nations major source of electricity supply, a motorway from Accra to Tema, expanding at breakneck speed, free education and medical services that made Ghana the showcase of Africa. As Nkrumah has stated, “for unless we attain economic freedom, our struggle for independence would have been in vain, and our plans for social and cultural advancement frustrated.”

While in office, Nkrumah did not accumulate a large private fortune. His years of exile in Guinea as co-president to Sekou Toure were spent writing and tending his rose garden. Nkrumah remained modest in his private life. His relaxation was not wining and dining but the conservation of intelligent companions.

His left all his possessions to his political party and asked his wife and children to be properly cared for by the party. Perhaps one of the most significant legacies of Nkrumah to all Africa was his commitment to ending the ethnic frontiers. Tribalism he had seen as a great stumbling block to national achievement. Nkrumah’s vision of the African past was more grandiose, with an emphasis on trade and empire rather than on community and lineage.

If they had listened to Nkrumah on that faithful day in 1963, in which he declared “we meet here today not as Ghanains, Guineans, Egyptians, Algerians, Moroccans, Malians, Liberians, Congolese or Nigerians, but as Africans.

Africans united in our resolve to remain here until we have agreed on the basic principles of a new compact of unity among ourselves, which guarantees for us a continental government.” He continued, “If we succeed in establishing a new charter of statute for the establishment of a continental unity of Africa, and the creation of social and political progress for our people, then in my view, this conference should make the end of our various groupings and regional blocs. But if we fail and let this grand and historic opportunity slip by, then we shall give way to greater dissension and division among us for which the people of African will never forgive us.” Africa is divided today as it was forty-six years ago resulting in the devastation of the nations’ self-esteem and livelihood of their people.

Africa is the basket case of the world, riddled with indebtedness, Aids, war, displaced people, refugees, poverty and a colonial economy that was not in the interest of its people.

Thank you for this importnat piece of history. We must not forget what Nkrumah did for the advancement of the African continent. I was particularly pleased that you exposed how Nyerere succeeded in frustrating Nkrumah's efforts. Infact he went further by acting always in the interests of the colonial powers and further disuniting Africa with his actions. Despite being hailed as a pan africanist and champion of the southern liberation struggle.

I am researching how Nyerere betrayed the Pan Africanist movement and the southern African liberation struggle in order that he could hold onto to power in Tanzania.neema Masika, April 9, 2006 6:29

Tuesday, September 26, 2006

a conference titled "To the United States of Africa"

Venezuela and Africa Strengthen Links
Caracas, Sep 26 (Prensa Latina) Venezuelan Foreign Minister Nicolas Maduro stated Venezuela and Africa strengthen their historical links, based on mutual respect and equality among their peoples.
Maduro made an intervention before a conference by Alpha Oumar Konare, president of the African Union Commission, and he said that Venezuela builds a new foreign policy on the base of such principles.
"We dream with a equalled and multipolar world where exchanges and cooperation predominate, without an empire which does not believe in justice and international rights," Maduro stated.
Maduro said that the visit of Konare is a expression of the new international policy fostered by the government of Venezuela, building recognition of strength and the future of southern countries of the world, such as Venezuela and other Latin American nations.
For his part, Konare offered a conference titled "To the United States of Africa" in which he said that before the current challenges mankind has to face, the only possible answer is a greater justice and solidarity in a unilateral world, where human beings are fundamental.
He said that Africa is walking towards such an objective and pointed put that the situation of Africa should not be that of fatality, and doomed to suffer terrible diseases and difficulties, such as slavery.

The AU-what the people want

The AU-what the people want

Written by DO

Friday, 30 June 2006

The Seventh Banjul AU summit is another landmark in the political development of our continent. The Syrte Declaration signed in Libya to establish the AU was done with a view to accelerate the unification of Africa.

This Declaration was born out of the dedication of the young leadership cadre in Africa who want to ensure the unification of the countries of Africa.

The first extraordinary session for the founding of the AU held in Syrte, Libya, September 1999 and chaired by President Bouteflika of Algeria, which also dissolved the OAU Charter set the stage for the unification of Africa and its people.

Indeed, the contribution of President Jammeh in the drafting and adoption of the Syrte Declaration was one of the most outstanding demonstration of the desire of the young leadership in Africa to make African unity a reality.

What the people of Africa want is simple and can be achieved by the new and young leadership in the African Union. Africans want a United Africa with a Continental Government and Continental Parliament, voted under universal suffrage right across the length and breadth of Africa.

What the people of Africa want is a single African Continental Passport, to be issued by the continental government that will enable and allow the people of Africa to travel freely and to settle freely in any African country. What the people of Africa want is total monetary union, with a single continental wide currency, which is backed up by the African Central Bank and that can be used as a legal tender any where in Africa.

What the people of Africa want is a continental telecommunication umbrella organisation for the whole of Africa. What the people of Africa want is the integration of our postal services as one continental postal service.

What the people of Africa want is a radio and television network of Africa that can be captured by all African countries. What the people of Africa want is to have a pan-African airline that covers the whole of Africa under a single corporate authority.

What the people of Africa want is to see a continent where road and railway network facilities run from Nouakchott to Nairobi and from Cape Town to Cairo. What the people of Africa want is to be allowed to elect the first President of the United States of Africa.

What the people of Africa want is to have a Continental Army under a single high command.The time is ripe to address these issues which are the dreams and hopes of the African People.

Tuesday, September 12, 2006

Africa: Guebuza On the 'United States of Africa'

Africa: Guebuza On the 'United States of Africa'

Agencia de Informacao de Mocambique (Maputo)
September 10, 2006Posted to the web September 11, 2006

According to Mozambican President Armando Guebuza, it is not so much African leaderships that should decide on transforming the continent into a single state with a single government, but the peoples of the 53 current member states of the African Union (AU).

Speaking to Mozambican journalists shortly before leaving the Libyan city of Sirte, where he had attended celebrations of the seventh anniversary of the AU, Guebuza said the abolition of the current African frontiers would depend on each of the peoples of the countries concerned.

They had to decide whether they wanted to scrap all borders, or whether they preferred the continent to remain in the fragmented state inherited from colonial rule.
"We have to think with our feet firmly on the ground", stressed Guebuza. He thought it imperative not to rush into setting up a "United States of Africa" because, although it might bring benefits to the peoples of the continent, it was a very sensitive and complex issue.
Guebuza thus advised a great deal of careful consideration before embarking on such an ambitious project.

Guebuza made it clear that, at the current stage of Africa's development, he thought it would be precipitate to simply declare the existence of a "United States of Africa". Before reaching any such stage there were the existing agendas (national, regional and international) to which countries had committed themselves, but which had not yet been implemented.
"We have to know where we are going and how we are going to get there", declared Guebuza. For him, before taking steps towards setting up a continental government, it was first urgent to consolidate the existing sub-regional bodies. For Mozambique, that means strengthening SADC (Southern African Development Community).

When sub-regional bodies such as SADC had become successful, they might serve as platforms for the much broader integration of the entire continent into a "United States of Africa".
Nor should African leaders embark on such a project without first consulting the people they govern. Guebuza said this is why in Mozambique consultation has already started, with institutions such as universities in an initial phase.
Relevant Links
Southern Africa International Organizations and Africa Mozambique

He wanted to see such consultation expanded to the entire population, so that it would not simply be the government that took such a weighty decision for the country's future.
It is the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi who has championed the idea of a "United States of Africa", and during Saturday's anniversary celebrations he was particularly strident, calling for the establishment of this new continental body by a simple decree from the existing African heads of state.

He openly condemned those who regard the idea with skepticism, and said they should be forced to accept it. He claimed that those who oppose the "United States of Africa" are motivated by a wish to maintain their current privileges.